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Sami Anan announces he won’t run for president

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Sami Anan greets Mike Mullen in Cairo. Source: Wikipedia Commons

Sami Anan greets Mike Mullen in Cairo. Source: Wikipedia Commons

Former Egyptian military chief of staff Sami Anan announced on Thursday that we would not be contesting the country’s upcoming presidential elections.

Flanked by journalist Mostafa Bakri, former General Hassan El-Roweiny and other figures from the camp of defense minister and current military commander in chief Field Marshal Abdel Fatah Al-Sisi, Anan said he would not be seeking election, leaving Sisi as the only military candidate and frontrunner for the poll.

Anan referred to himself as a leader and fighter who worked for Egypt’s advancement during his time as a Lieutenant General and deputy leader of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces that ruled the country following the ouster of former President Hosni Mubarak.

He hailed Sisi’s predecessor and his former boss Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi as a great leader and said he backed Egypt’s march towards freedom, democracy and building a strong patriotic state. Anan did not mention Sisi by name, however, and did not officially endorse him.

Sisi is yet to officially announce his candidacy but has dropped his strongest hint yet at a military academy graduation ceremony last week where he said he would not “abandon the demands of the Egyptian people.”

Egyptian law requires Sisi, who also serves as deputy prime minister, to officially relinquish all military posts before being eligible for the presidency.

The military chief’s popularity has considerably risen since his ouster of former President Mohamed Morsi and is widely expected to easily win the upcoming elections.


Written by Ahmed Aboulenein

March 13, 2014 at 2:25 pm

Al-Sisi asks journalist to lead campaign for him to maintain military leadership shows leaked sound clip

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General Abdel Fatah Al-Sisi. Source: Egyptian military official Facebook page

General Abdel Fatah Al-Sisi. Source: Egyptian military official Facebook page

General Abdel Fatah Al-Sisi asked a top newspaper editor to lead a campaign securing his position as Minister of Defence whether or not he runs for or wins in presidential elections.

“You are supposed to lead a campaign with intellectuals for a clause in the constitution that safeguards General Al-Sisi’s position as Minister of Defence and allows him to resume his role even if he does not enter the presidency,” the country’s strongman could be heard saying in a leaked sound clip from his interview with Al-Masry Al-Youm editor in chief Yasser Rizk.

The interview was published in a three-part series in the nation’s leading privately owned newspaper but did not include that quote. Al-Masry Al-Youm, like most Egyptian news organisations following the military’s ouster of former President Mohamed Morsi in July, has a pro-military stance.

The leak was posted by the RASSD news website. RASSD is known for its support for the Muslim Brotherhood from which Morsi hailed and is largely seen as being run by the Islamist organisation.

Al-Masry Al-Youm has posted a story saying the sound clip is fabricated and that it was suing RASSD for EGP 50 million, about $7.2 million. The voice featured in the clip sounds exactly like Al-Sisi’s voice however.

RASSD had previously posted three leaked videos of Al-Sisi in September of a meeting he had with military leaders in December of last year. The videos made obvious attempts at taking what Al-Sisi was saying out of context but the sound clip released today is more clear cut and does not leave room for interpretation.

Al-Sisi enjoys overwhelming popularity in Egypt following his ouster of Morsi in July. He refused to answer Rizk’s question on whether or not he would run for the presidency but did not rule it out.

The general appointed Supreme Constitutional Court Chief Justice Adly Mansour as the country’s interim president following the ouster of Morsi but is seen as holding actual power in Egypt. He is the military Commander in Chief, Minister of Defence, and following Morsi’s ouster he was also appointed First Deputy Prime Minister.

In late July he called on Egyptians to take to the streets and offer him and the police their support in their efforts to “combat terrorism” which is shorthand for the state’s crackdown on the Muslim Brotherhood.

The following months security forces shot dead over 800 pro-Morsi demonstrators in the Raba’a Al-Adawiya mosque and Nahda Square sit-ins. The protestors were not peaceful but claims over how heavily they were armed were later found out to be widely exaggerated, the Minister of Interior later admitted.

Islamists responded with massive church burning campaign as well as repeated instances of shooting soldiers and policemen. Dozens have been killed in violence between civilians since as well.

Written by Ahmed Aboulenein

October 11, 2013 at 1:06 am

Not so long ago in a galaxy not so far away

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A serious analysis of the ins and outs of the political alliances and coalitions that will contest the upcoming parliamentary elections

First published in the Daily News Egypt on 31 December 2012

Wafd Party headquarters in Dokki – 7 pm

Sayed Pasha had been pacing back and forth for the best part of an hour. Known to the world as Dr El-Sayed El-Badawi, chairman of the New Wafd Party, the pasha was actually the reincarnation of a Saadist politician from the 1940s.

The Saadists were a splinter group that broke away from Wafd after its first leader Saad Zaghloul Pasha died. They felt that the policies of his successor Mostafa El-Nahas Pasha betrayed the party’s principles. Wafd defeated them in every single election.

Sayed had come back to exact revenge, vowing to destroy the party. At first, his behaviour aroused no suspicion, most logically assumed he was one of Safwat El-Sherif’s agents tasked with taking down Wafd, which suited him just fine.

After the revolution most thought he would step down or at least keep a low profile, but the pasha saw it as an opportunity to launch a full assault and bring Wafd down once and for all.

The guests started arriving around an hour later. First were the people from the Egyptian Conference Party, formed from the merger of 20 smaller parties. The party is a part of the Egyptian National Movement coalition, in turn part of the National Salvation Front; making it effectively a coalition within a coalition within a coalition. #inception

Then came representatives from the Free Egyptians Party (not to be confused with the Egypt Freedom Party or the Free Egyptian Party), the Egyptian Social Democratic Party and Tagammu’. The three had contested last year’s elections together as part of a leftist-liberal-social democrat alliance that had nothing in common politically or economically because apparently you’re not allowed to be the “we hate the Muslim Brotherhood” coalition. They collectively achieved nine per cent of the vote.

Finally, a big shot arrived. Former Arab League Secretary General (and Mubarak foreign minister but we don’t like to say) Amr Moussa, one of the NSF’s leading troika, was here. Three minor party leaders immediately greeted “Amr beih” and declared him leader of their parties and formed a new coalition. He now led seven. “Damn,” he thought as he lit his cigar and stared thoughtfully into space.

Amr Hamzawy then made his way into the room, dishevelled. He had just finished eight talk show appearances in the last three hours and was tired. He needed to be here though; or else he would have nothing to talk about, having exhausted the notes from three different political science courses already.

Cameramen and photographers started appearing out of nowhere and calling out “ya rayess” (hey president) which could only mean one thing: Hamdeen Sabahy was here. Sabahy waved to the cameras and gave Hamzawy a dirty look, for the two knew that once this current conflict is over they have a score to settle. The hair wars would be upon us.

The purpose of the meeting was to discuss candidate allocation on the unified list the NSF is putting forward in the upcoming election.

“I will fight for every Egyptian. Poor Egyptians on the streets, workers in their factories, farmers in their villages, for our battle is a battle of justice and it is the battle for all Egyptians because… justice and… Egypt? In the name of the nation I will be the next president,” said Sabahy.

He added that for him to achieve this glorious revolutionary goal the Popular Current needed the most seat allocations. Abdel Hakim Abdel Nasser, Khaled Youssef and the Adl brothers burst out clapping.

It was at this moment that Dostour Party Chairman/Nobel Peace Prize winner/NSF coordinator Mohamed ElBaradei walked in.

“You’re late,” said Sabahy.

“A wizard is never late, nor is he early, he arrives precisely when he means to,” responded ElBaradei.

He then proceeded to explain that the allocation should purely be based on the qualities of individual candidates regardless of party affiliation, but the other leaders were having none of it.

ElBaradei had enough of these people. He was specifically sent here as an agent of change to guide them, not to lead them, but they could do nothing themselves. Furthermore they kept making ridiculous demands like asking for him to address them directly instead of the obviously more advanced and comfortable Twitter for iPad™ method he developed.

They also took his regular visits to consult with the Powers That Be as “escaping to the comforts of his Vienna lake house” which was preposterous. It wasn’t his fault the powers preferred a more European atmosphere.

“Listen you fools: we are entering the dark tunnel. It is as if no revolution took place, and the only way to escape the dark tunnel is to fend off the evil that lurks in Mount Doom – I mean Moqatam. The Eye of the Supreme Guide is upon us, he knows our weakness is disunity. We mustn’t let anything break this fellowship up, otherwise, all hope is lost.”

Wasat Party headquarters – 7 pm

“I can’t believe the Brotherhood screwed us over like that,” bellowed Wasat Chairman Abu El-Ela Mady.

“I know! I had already got my new business cards printed and everything,” said former parliamentary and legal affairs minister Mohamed Mahsoub. The card read “Prime Minister Mohamed Mahsoub.”

“Prime minister? Don’t you mean deputy prime minister?”

“What? No, they were going to make me prime minister if we helped them pass the constitution”

“They told me the same thing!”

Wasat Deputy Chairman Essam Sultan fixed his eyes on the middle distance before uttering just one word. “ElBaradei,” he said.

“It’s all his fault, it’s always his fault. He is out to get us.” He then wrote three Facebook posts about it.

Asad ibn Furat mosque in Dokki – 7 pm

Sheikh Hazem Salah Abu Ismail sits at a table with his followers around him. They are finishing off a sheep, the last of the spoils from the Media Production City Conquest.

“We have attacked the Wafd headquarters, intimidated the police and the media, are there any further orders? What is thy bidding my master?” asks one of Hazemoon, the Sheikh’s elite Republican Guard-style squad.

The sheikh rose, a herculean task that took a few minutes considering his size. The lion of Islam then laughed heartily before explaining that the wheels were set in motion.

Resignations from the Salafi Nour Party were coming left and right, all defections to join Abu Ismail. Al-Qaeda leader Ayman Al-Zawahiri endorsed Hazem, Salafi youth dissatisfied with the capitulation of the sheikhs to the Muslim Brotherhood’s secular constitution would join him in droves.

He was set to win parliamentary elections, amend the constitution and allow dual nationals to run for president. In less than four years Hazem would be president and start work on the united Islamic caliphate.

Then he would be finally be empowered to carry out his plan: Egypt and the Islamic world will become nutmeg free.

Guidance Bureau in Moqatam – 8 pm

The Supreme Guide is tending to his bolognas when the call comes.

“Khairat, the secular infidels are meeting now. They are discussing their unified electoral list. They will surely disagree,” says Mohamed Badie as he waters the potted  plants.

“And this information comes from?” asks El-Shater.

“Agents Abdel Meguid and Nour, as always,” responds Badie.

“Excellent. We will run alone this time, the opposition will surely crumble, and we will secure the majority. I will finally take over and steer this ship properly. I have to admit the title Prime Minister isn’t as fancy as president, but it will do for the first three years.”

“Get Morsy and Talaat on the phone. We need to discuss those “overthrowing the ruling regime” cases.

Written by Ahmed Aboulenein

January 5, 2013 at 9:51 am

Posted in Egypt, Politics, Satire

Moussa, Sabahy and ElBaradei walk into a bar

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Parliamentary elections analysis part 2

Originally published in the Daily News Egypt on 29 December 2012

The National Salvation Front (NSF), a coalition formed to combat President Mohamed Morsy’s constitutional decree and the referendum on the constitution, was not able to meet its goal. The charter passed with a 64 per cent majority of the 32 per cent who bothered to vote.

The 36 per cent that voted “No,” however, must not be underestimated. This is an achievement for a country that usually says “Yes” to anything put forward by the powers in place. Additionally, the secular opposition is finally united. If it stays this way, the coalition could achieve a parliamentary majority.

That is a big “if,” since the alliance is quite loose and has been marred with controversy from day one. Many younger members of the revolutionary parties and groups inside the NSF are unhappy with the inclusion of former regime loyalists.

One of the NSF’s three main leaders is Amr Moussa, Mubarak’s foreign minister for ten years and Arab League Secretary General for ten more under the former president’s approval.

Moussa, a former presidential candidate, has a support base beyond feloul. In the eyes of other NSF leaders he represents segments of Egyptian society that must not be alienated, namely those who did not necessarily support the old regime but oppose the Islamists and those who were previously politically apathetic.

Still, the youth of the liberal and leftist parties making up the NSF might insist on cutting loose Moussa and others they deem feloul. The NSF announced it would contest parliamentary elections on one unified list, but the youth might refuse to do so.

The leaders of the NSF have only two choices: convince their youth cadres that secular unity in the face of rising Islamism is a must if the revolution is to succeed and that Moussa is “not so bad” (the man is hardly Shafiq), or capitulate and “purify” the NSF before contesting the elections. Whatever the coalition leaders decide to do, they need to decide fast; delaying this issue could lead to disorganisation that could cost them the election.

Another threat to the opposition unity is the deep ideological differences between the groups making up the coalition. “Oh, factional in-fighting? What else is new on the left?” a wise man once asked.

The ideologies inside the coalition range from classic liberals who fully believe in the free market, to Nasserists and socialists that are anti-capitalism, and everything in between. Economic policy is not the only dividing factor as well; some parties in the NSF could be identified as secular social conservatives, although these are in the minority.

Front leaders Moussa, a liberal, Hamdeen Sabahy, a left-wing Nasserist and Mohamed ElBaradei, a social democrat, have created a united agenda since the NSF’s conception. If this oneness carries on then ideological differences could put aside, at least until the elections are over.

The single most divisive issue, however, will be seat allocations. If the NSF plan to run on one list then parties inside inside the Front cannot contest seats against each other. There must be collaboration and coordination between parties to place the different party candidates in the appropriate areas.

The older parties such as Wafd could carry a strong voice on this issue, demanding more seats due to seniority and electoral success. Parties that contested last year’s parliamentary poll such as the Free Egyptians Party and the Egyptian Social Democratic Party may also demand an allocation of at least the amount of seats they won last time.

But this system will not work for newer parties like ElBaradei’s Dostour and Sabahy’s Popular Current (itself a coalition of parties) since they have no previous record of electoral success. It would be unwise to grant these parties a small allocation, however, as they are seen as some of the largest and most effective parties.

If, and only if, the NSF manages to get past these three issues, they will have a decent shot at winning a majority of the parliamentary seats. The Muslim Brotherhood and other Islamists combined were only able to mobilise 20 per cent of eligible voters in the referendum, and while NSF only got 12, this leaves 68 per cent of voters that remain to be allotted to either side.

If NSF can convince only over half of them (39 per cent) while retaining the 12 per cent it received during the referendum, it will have a parliamentary majority. The Islamists may be divided, but if no one gets a majority they will surely form a coalition government. The two-thirds required to amend the constitution is most probably out of reach for the NSF this time around, but a parliamentary majority? Doable.

Written by Ahmed Aboulenein

January 5, 2013 at 9:44 am

Posted in Analysis, Egypt, Politics

The lion, the sheikhs and the Brotherhood

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Parliamentary elections analysis part 1

Originally published in the Daily News Egypt on 28 December 2012

While the Shura Council is currently entrusted with full legislative powers, the transitional articles in the new constitution state that parliamentary elections for the lower house, renamed the House of Representatives, are to take place within 60 days of the constitution’s adoption. That house will then take over legislation from the Shura Council.

With the elections looming, the electoral alliances of old surely will not stand. Some parties will form new ones, ever redrawing the political map. Others will find themselves strong enough to go it alone.

The Muslim Brotherhood and its political wing, the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP), contested the elections as leaders of the Democratic Alliance for Egypt that they largely dominated.

With the exception of the alliance coordinator Wahid Abdel Meguid, an independent, and a handful of candidates from Hamdeen Sabahy’s Nasserist Dignity Party and Ayman Nour’s liberal Ghad Al-Thawra Party as well as Abdel Moniem El-Sawy’s Civilisation Party, FJP members dominated the alliance’s lists.

FJP and Brotherhood officials had originally said they would contest up to 35 per cent of seats but ended up running for over 80 per cent. The Brotherhood might opt to run alone this time around, and party Vice Chairman Essam El-Erian already said they plan to contest all seats.

The Brotherhood already has the presidency through Mohamed Morsy and has been able to push through the constitution, which specifies that the majority party in the House of Representatives forms the government.

They will both feel empowered enough to contest all seats alone as well as a sense of urgency in contesting the elections these time around, the last thing they need is Morsy sharing power with a prime minister from the opposition. Securing the Cabinet is the last piece in the puzzle after which they will be in control of all state institutions.

However, the Brotherhood could not have passed their constitution without the help of fellow Islamists. On one side there are the salafis, who until recently were led by the salafi calling’s political wing, the Al-Nour Party.

Salafi youth feel betrayed after being mobilised by their Sheikhs to do the Brotherhood’s bidding. Although criticised by liberals and secular opposition groups for not being democratic enough, salafis view the constitution as lacking in Shari’a. This, combined with the now popular saying “the Brotherhood will fight to the last salafi” is causing a split between leaders and the cadres on the ground. It is already manifesting in the recent schism in the Al-Nour Party.

Enter Hazem Salah Abu Ismail. The rebel sheikh is idolised by salafi youth, especially the revolutionaries amongst them. Charismatic, fierce and ultraconservative, Abu Ismail is the Muslim Brotherhood’s worst nightmare. They cannot call him an infidel or an enemy of religion. In fact, the roles are reversed here with the disqualified presidential candidate able to confidently call out the Brotherhood on what he and many salafis view as shameful pragmatism and compromise, sacrificing Islam for power.

Hazem’s stature is growing, and come election time the entire salafi bloc will have to firmly unite behind him or risk utter failure. Parties such as the Authenticity Party, the Jama’a Islamiya’s Building and Development Party and the Salafi Front’s People’s Party will have to follow Abu Ismail. If the Al-Nour Party knows what is good for it, it will also follow suit, for the sheikhs are done and all must now bow to the “Lion of Islam.”

On the left of the Brotherhood, again instrumental to the passing of the constitution, is the Al-Wasat Party. Originally a group of former Brotherhood members who felt a more moderate, perhaps just a tad secular, to politics was needed, the breakaways were fiercely persecuted by the Brotherhood.

Yet come constitution drafting time, the party’s three main men were on the Constituent Assembly, fighting fiercely in favour of it and perhaps were the last glimmer of hope in making the process look somewhat legitimate. The party’s rising star Mohamed Mahsoub was even appointed in the cabinet post of minister of legal and parliamentary affairs.

Following the constitution’s passing, the Al-Wasat party abruptly turned on the Brotherhood, with the rumour being that they were promised the premiership after the constitution was adopted. Morsy’s speech indicated that incumbent Hesham Qandil is staying however, which meant that neither party leader Abu El-Ela Mady nor Mahsoub himself, the two most likely candidates, could assume the post. The party has denied such claims however, saying its opposition to Qandil came without search for positions.

Finding themselves out of the Brotherhood’s cloak will lead Al-Wasat to join with its natural ideological allies, the more moderate Islamist parties. El-Sawy’s Civilisation Party and the Egyptian Current Party, also composed by a group of breakaway former Muslim Brotherhood youth, are the most obvious choices and the three are likely to form a “centrist” coalition.

The crown jewel of such a coalition would be former presidential candidate Abdel Moniem Abul Fotouh’s Strong Egypt Party. Abul Fotouh has come under fire from both the Islamists and the secular opposition recently. He openly opposed the constitution, perhaps not strongly enough but did so anyway, to the chagrin of most Islamists, but also refused to join the National Salvation Front on grounds of it containing members of the former regime (read: Amr Moussa).

Perhaps most damning of all for secularists was despite his rejection of the constitution, he considered the referendum legitimate, calling for a “No” vote but refusing calls to cancel or postpone the referendum. Although popular amongst centrist and slightly Islamist-leaning revolutionary youth, Abul Fotouh finds himself alienated by those outside his base. He will either decide to run alone, or more realistically take his natural position as leader of centrist Islamism, an ideology many Egyptians would identify with.

The deep split within the Islamist ranks does not bode well for either the hard-line salafis or the more moderate Islamists. The latter were never effective electorally and the former will surely lose their dark horse status that saw them garner the second highest number of seats of 35 per cent. This will most certainly be of benefit mainly to the secular opposition.

The Muslim Brotherhood, for the most part, will emerge unscathed from this split. This does not mean they will replicate their previous victory, for there is a completely different camp in the political spectrum, and as frustrating and amateurish as they are, they are still gaining ground, and for the first time ever, albeit loosely, they are finally united.

Written by Ahmed Aboulenein

January 5, 2013 at 9:37 am

Posted in Analysis, Egypt, Politics

Morsy’s meeting the Supreme Council of the Judiciary: nothing has changed

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President Mohamed Morsy said he respects and appreciates the judiciary, he’s assured the judges that their independence would never be compromised. Although the president expressed such sentiment, practically speaking he has not offered the judges any concessions.

He said there would be no amendments to the constitutional decree and that protection from legal review would be for “acts of sovereignty” only.

The president’s spokesperson did not define what an “act of sovereignty” is exactly or who decides whether a decision is indeed an “act of sovereignty” or a regular administrative decision.

The president can issue a decision, call it an “act of sovereignty” and it would have to be proven otherwise first before it can even be challenged in a court.

The traditional definition of “act of sovereignty” which includes things like declaring war and changing the country’s borders have always been protected from judicial oversight in Egypt, the president did not need to issue a constitutional decree saying that unless he intends to expand what “acts of sovereignty” encompass.

He also said that reopening investigations in cases of killing protestors during the revolution mentioned in the decree would only be in cases where new evidence appears.

This affirms what many in the opposition were saying, which is that the president included things in his decree to appear as if he’s meeting revolutionary demands in order to mask a power grab. It is highly unlikely that new evidence in crimes of killing protestors during the 18-day uprising of 2011 will appear simply because between Mubarak’s police and prosecutors, all evidence has been properly disposed of.

An important thing to note, however, is there was a high turnout at the judges’ general assembly meeting on Saturday where they released a statement condemning the decree and voted for a judicial strike. This means that the judges may not approve of the outcome of the meeting between the president and their leaders and may even opt for a vote of no confidence, although that would mostly be a symbolic move.

Finally, the Muslim Brotherhood has called off tomorrow’s protest, stating their wish to avoid clashes and bloodshed. They had initially changed the venue from Abdeen to in front of Cairo University in order to stay away from Tahrir Square where the opposition intends to stage a million man protest tomorrow but the Brotherhood have now postponed their protest altogether.

Written by Ahmed Aboulenein

November 26, 2012 at 11:55 pm

English translation of the constitution draft – part 1

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Preliminary draft of the proposed constitution of the Arab Republic of Egypt

Part I – State and Society

Article 1

The Arab Republic of Egypt is an independent sovereign state and is united and indivisible, its system is democratic.

The Egyptian people are a part of the Arab and Islamic nations, are proud of belonging to the Nile Basin and Africa, their connections to Asia, and actively participate in Human Civilisation.

Article 2

Islam is the state religion, its official language Arabic, and the principles of Islamic Shari’a are the main source of legislation.

Article 3

For Egyptian Christians and Jews, the principles of their religious laws are the main source of legislation in personal and religious matters as well as in the selection of their spiritual leaders.

Article 4

Al-Azhar is an independent Islamic body and it alone addresses its internal affairs. Its scope covers the Muslim nation and the entire world. It spreads religious studies and the call to Islam. The state guarantees sufficient funds for it to achieve its goals. The law determines the method for selecting Al-Azhar’s Grand Imam, who shall be independent and cannot be removed from office.

The opinion of Al-Azhar’s Council of Grand Scholars shall be taken in matters related to Islamic Shari’a.

Article 5

Sovereignty belongs to the people who exercise and protect it, safeguard national unity, and authority is derived from them, all in the manner set out in the constitution.

Article 6

The democratic system is built on the principles of citizenship, citizenship that makes all citizens equal in rights and duties, political and partisan plurality, the rule of law, respect for human rights, guaranteeing rights and freedoms, peaceful transfer of power, separation of powers and balancing between them, all in the manner set out in the constitution.

Political parties may not be established on basis of discriminating between citizens on grounds of sex, origin or religion.

Article 7

Egyptian society is based on justice, equality, freedom, mercy, social solidarity, camaraderie between its members regarding protecting their lives, honour and money, and achieving sufficiency for all citizens.

Article 8

The state shall ensure security, tranquillity and equal opportunities for all citizens without discrimination.

Article 9

Family is the basis of society and its foundations are religion, morality and patriotism.

The state and society ensure the authentic character of the Egyptian family, its cohesion, stability, and protecting its traditions and moral values.

Article 10

The state is obliged to sponsor and protect ethics and public morals, empower authentic Egyptian traditions, take into account a high level of nurturing, religious and patriotic values, scientific facts, Arab culture, the historical and cultural heritage of the people, as regulated by the law.

Article 11

The state protects the cultural, civilizational and linguistic unity of Egyptian society, and works towards Arabisation of sciences and knowledge.

Article 12

The creation of a civilian ranks is prohibited.

Article 13

The national economy aims to: achieve sustainable and balanced development, protect production and increase income, ensure social justice, solidarity and welfare, safeguard the rights of workers, ensure a fair distribution of wealth, raise the standard of living, eradicate poverty and unemployment, increase employment opportunities, achieve a partnership between capital and labour in bearing the cost of development, ensure equitable sharing of the revenues, link pay to production, lessen the disparities between incomes through introducing a maximum wage and guaranteeing a minimum wage, all to ensure a decent life for every citizen.

Article 14

Agriculture is main component of the national economy. The state is obliged to protect and develop farmland, crops, plant species, animal breeds, and fish resources, achieve self-sufficiency, meet the needs of agricultural production, and provide good management and marketing, and support agricultural industries and crafts.

The law regulates the use of farmland in a manner that achieves social justice and protects farmers and agricultural workers from exploitation.

Article 15

All natural resources belong to the people, who are entitled to the returns. The state is obliged to maintain such resources and use them properly while ensuring the needs of national defence and economy are met and the rights of future generations are preserved. All money without owners belongs to the state.

No concessions or obligations on the part of the state allowing for the use of state lands, natural resources, or public utilities may be granted to other parties except by law.

Article 16

The Nile River and groundwater resources are a national wealth and may not be converted into private property. The state is obliged to preserve, protect and develop them and prevent any attacks on them. The law regulates the means of utilising them.

Article 17

The state is obliged to protect its beaches, seas, and lakes, maintain its antiquities and natural reserves, and remove any infringements that take place upon them.

Article 18

The state guarantees and protects the different forms of legitimate ownership be they public, cooperative, private or religious endowments as regulated by the law.

Article 19

Public funds are inviolable, and protecting them is national duty on the parts of both the state and society.

Article 20

The state shall sponsor and support cooperatives of all forms, ensure their independence, and regulate craft industries, encourage them in a manner that leads to the advancement of production and the increase of income.

Article 21

Employees share in the management and profits of projects, and are committed to the development of production, preserving its tools, implementing its plans in their production unites as regulated by the law. They are represented by fifty percent in the membership of elected boards of directors in the public sector, and eighty percent in the membership of boards of directors in cooperatives, agricultural and industrial societies.

Article 22

Beneficiaries of service projects of public service shall participate in their management and oversight as regulated by the law.

Article 23

Private property is inviolable, and performs its social duty in serving the national economy without misapplication, exploitation or monopoly. It may not be placed under sequestration except in cases defined by law and with a court order. It may not be confiscated except for the public good and for a fair compensation that is to be paid in advance. The right to inheritance is guaranteed, all as regulated by the law.

Article 24

The state is obliged to revive and encourage the religious endowmnets system.

The law regulates religious endowments, determines the procedures for founding and managing them, investing them, and distributing their returns on beneficiaries as per the terms of the endowers.

Article 25

The system of taxes and public costs is based on social justices and paying them is a duty. Imposing, cancelling, exempting or assigning more than them shall be regulated by the law.

Article 26

Nationalisation is prohibited except for the public good, through a law, and in return for fair compensation.

Article 27

Mass confiscation of funds is prohibited, and specific confiscation is barred except by court order.

Written by Ahmed Aboulenein

October 16, 2012 at 12:16 am

Posted in Egypt, Politics, Translation

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